POBUNJENI UM - web magazin

author: Goran M.
date: 25/11/03

Nothing New - Situation still Very Explosive!

Nothing new in the heart of the Balkans. A sharp radicalisation within Serbian society continues and was put in the spotlight once again last week by failed presidential elections - third in a row. The working people of Serbia simply stayed at home, ignoring the government calls to go out and elect a president. Only around 38% of registered voters bothered to show up at the polls, and those who did show up voted against the pro-western ruling coalition - the DOS - and it's candidate. The election results clearly showed just how deep the crisis in the country is and how unpopular and weak the pro-western ruling caste is in reality. Most analysts predicted the failure of the election itself, however what nobody expected was such a humiliation that people of Serbia served to the DOS and it's "reformist course". The DOS sponsored candidate, who led all the pre-election polls - the media hyped Dragoljub Micunovic - got disapointing 35% of the votes, finishing second behind the underdog Tomislav Nikolic - a candidate of the right wing Serbian Radical Party - who received 46 % of the votes. Vojislav Kostunica and his Democratic Party of Serbia boycted the elections. The restoration of capitalism under the disguise of "reforms" became a dogma in the political discourse in the last three years - a sacred "way forward" that no one was suppoosed to question, therefore you can imagine what a surprise it was for these "analysts" when the population turned it's back on the pro-western candidate. A trend of radicalisation, that was noticed at the last presidential elections, grew fast and caught all bourgeois "analysts" by surprise. Micunovic was able to win only in Belgrade while Nikolic got majority in all other areas of the country. These presidential elections now come on top of two previous unsecsessfull rounds, a murder of the Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic, the disbanding of the parliament just few days before the voting day as the government lost it's support, numerous scandals and affairs within the government aparatus and a wave of strikes throughout the country as the as the unsatisfaction with the "reforms" mounts up - all of this in just one year! Seems the leaders of the DOS failed in their promises to make Serbia a "boring place to live in", as they promised few years ago.

Return of Nationalism?

What did the western media make out of all this ? Well, the predominant sentiment in their reports is fear. Fear that the Serbian working class seems to be turning back to nationalism somehow after topling Milosevic just three years ago. After all, it is well known by now that you can not trust these Balkan people, as they will enthusiasticaly run back to fraternal slaughter as soon as they don't feel the rigorous hand of EU and Washington on their shoulders. Seems the appeal of blood and nation is so strong that the Serbian working class simply can't resist it. Domestic liberal politicians are singing the same tune. Serbia-Montenegro Foreign Minister Goran Svilanovic said Monday that the result could be seen as a sign that Serbia might be sliding back toward the nationalism that led to a series of Balkan wars in the 1990s. Is there any basis for all this crying out loud about the "return of Fascism" to Serbia after the "Le Pen scenario" happened twice in a row?

We mentioned many times before that if no clear working class alternative arises in Serbia in the near future, nationalism and bloodshed might be on the agenda again as the policies of the re-introduction of capitalism reach the dead end. However, it still has not come to that point. Nationalism has been on the steady downfall for years now and objective circumstances are much different then they were in the early nineties.

Serbian Radical Party managed to climb up on the Serbian political scene in the early nineties thanks to a wave of chauvinist hysteria that emerged after the final breakdown of the Yugoslav workers movement in the late eighties. It was one of the numerous far right parties with fascist elements (it had it's own paramilitary) which was used by Slobodan Milosevic for the dirty work on the frontlines in his fight with other republic bureaucracies over territories. Throughout the years it was able to survive and entrench itself on the rightwing by adapting their rhetorics to the changed circumstances. Departure of their founder and traditional leader - Vojislav Seselj - to the Hague Tribunal on charges for war crimes, enbled them to reform their politics at an even faster pace. A disaray of the Milosevic's Socialist Party and the total vaccum on the left wing gave them space to present themselves as the sole opponents to the pro-western course taken by the DOS. The party which is not scared to say things others are even though they might go against the current dogma. It is highly indicative that these ultranationalists took majority of the votes with the least nationalistic oriented campaign in their history. Traditional points of their platform like the "reuniting of the serbian lands" were carefuly put to the side, making space for the criticism of the privatisation, unemployment, high school fees etc. The speech given by their candidate Tomislav Nikolic on final campaign rally in the centre of Belgrade just one day before the election was a clear indicator of this and definite disapointment for some of the hardline old time supporters in the crowd. Nikolic had to repeat twice to the puzzled crowd who weren't sure they heard right when he stated that : "Muslims are not our enemies", pointing that the real enemy is the DOS. In a bold tone he went on to say that : "If you can afford to buy enough food each month, if you are able to send your kids to university, please do not vote for me!". He went on mocking the new Prime Minister and his trip to China and Russia in an attempt to reprogram debts and get new contracts - "What happened with your orientation towards the west gentelmen?" he asked, while the crowd went into tears laughing. Nikolic insisted that a slavish obedience to west is wrong, making full gain of the anti-imperialist sentiment that exists among the Serbian working class. Crowd also cheered as Nikolic announced that if he wins they can be assured he would not send a single soldier to Afghanistan nor to Iraq. This gives you a clear picture of the focuses of Radical Party campaign.

The Vaccum

Of course the center of his campaign was the plunder of serbian economy by the process of privatisation. Radical party now took full advantage of the fact that no other political current dared to criticise openly the course taken by the DOS economists - the Chicago Monetarist school disciples who have been carying "shock therapy" which devastated the living standards for the whole layer of workers in the past three years. Serbian economy is on the edge of an abyss after only three years of reforms. Industrial production is falling steadily, foreign exchange deficit is close to 4 bilion $ and the unemployment is on the rise as new workers from the privatised factories are constantly adding up weight to the already flagrant number of 950 000 unemployed. The DOS candidate, besides the expensive campaign and media coverage did not stand a chance against this grim reality with his played out phrases about the future prosperity and the European Union. The impetus these forces got after the murder of Djindic has worn out as predicted and now they are in big trouble. The middle class is tiny, demoralised and confused by the failure of the "reforms". Micunovic barely got majority even in Belgrade.

So, what these elections clearly showed, once again, is not the return of nationalism on the scene but a profound disatisfaction with the political course taken by the DOS. Moreover it shows how empty the Serbian political scene realy is. The is no force on the left which could pose an alternative. In this case the serbian Radical Party jumped into the vaccum and grabed the votes of the dissatisfied workers. The vote for Nikolic was not a vote for a return to serbian nationalism, it was a vote against the DOS.

Objectively, despite this surprise result, Serbian Radical Party is not yet a force that could win majority in the parliament. Workers will probably turn primarily towards Vojislav Kostunica and his Democratic Party of Serbia in the next elections. As marxists we point out that even the victory of the Radical party at the presidential or parliamental elections would not realy change anything drasticaly. The Serbian working class is steping up on the scene again after it overthrew Milosevic in Ocober 2000, with a sense of power that it can change things. It knows clearly what it does not want-and that is the much hated DOS, however, it is still very confused and unexperienced and will probably try to use Kostunica and the Serbian Radical party as a sort of an alternative at the next parliamental elections. But, no matter how radical their rhetorics might be, under these conditions and divide of forces on the global scale, the Serbian Radical Party would carry Serbia in more or less the same direction as the DOS did so far. Maybe at a slower pace, maybe with more government control over the whole process, maybe wraped up in more patriotic colors, maybe with different capitalist clients, but essentialy it would be the same road. The Radical Party is not opposed to the privatisation as a course, it is just unsatisfied with the way it is being performed, prices being offered and the clients that are picked. The Serbian Radical Party and its thugs who carry the blood of our brothers and sisters on their hands are not a party the youth and the working class should stand behind in Serbia. We must organize ourselves independently and fill the vaccum with a genuine left wing party which represents the real interests of the workers and youth of Serbia and all other countries in the region. Now that the workers are on the move, it is only a matter of time before they realise this from their own experience. Then the western bourgeois media will finaly have a real serious threat to base their fears upon.

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牨晥献慥捲⡨戠潬正摥潄慭湩孳椠崠⤠㸠‽‰਩††††††††੻††††††††††汦条㴠琠畲㭥 †††††††素 †††††素 †††††爠瑥牵汦条਻††††੽ †††瘠牡朠瑥敍慴潃瑮湥⁴‽畦据楴湯
敭慴慎敭⤠ †††笠 †††††瘠牡洠瑥獡㴠搠捯浵湥⹴敧䕴敬敭瑮䉳呹条慎敭✨敭慴⤧਻††††††潦⁲椨〽※㱩敭慴⹳敬杮桴※⭩⤫ †††††笠ਠ††††††††晩
㴽洠瑥乡浡⁥਩††††††††⁻ †††††††††爠瑥牵敭慴孳嵩朮瑥瑁牴扩瑵⡥挢湯整瑮⤢※ †††††††素ਠ††††††੽††††††敲畴湲映污敳਻††††੽†††† †††瘠牡朠瑥潃浭湥乴摯獥㴠映湵瑣潩⡮敲敧偸瑡整湲਩††††੻††††††慶⁲潮敤⁳‽絻਻††††††慶⁲潮敤䅳㴠嬠㭝 †††††瘠牡瀠敲敦牲摥潎敤䱳獩⁴‽❛❡‬挧Ⱗ✠❢㭝 †††ਠ††††††昨湵瑣潩敧乴摯獥桔瑡慈敶潃浭湥獴渨‬慰瑴牥⥮ †††††笠 †††††††椠⁦渨栮獡桃汩乤摯獥⤨਩††††††††੻††††††††††晩⠠⹮慴乧浡⁥㴽‽䤧剆䵁❅਩††††††††††੻††††††††††††敲畴湲映污敳਻††††††††††੽††††††††††潦⁲瘨牡椠㴠〠※⁩‼⹮档汩乤摯獥氮湥瑧㭨椠⬫਩††††††††††੻††††††††††††晩⠠渨挮楨摬潎敤孳嵩渮摯呥灹⁥㴽‽⤸☠…瀨瑡整湲琮獥⡴⹮档汩乤摯獥楛⹝潮敤慖畬⥥⤩ †††††††††††笠 †††††††††††††瘠牡愠敲乡浡⁥‽慰瑴牥⹮硥捥渨挮楨摬潎敤孳嵩渮摯噥污敵嬩崱਻††††††††††††††潮敤孳牡慥慎敭⁝‽㭮 †††††††††††素 †††††††††††攠獬⁥晩⠠⹮档汩乤摯獥楛⹝潮敤祔数㴠㴽ㄠ਩††††††††††††੻††††††††††††††敧乴摯獥桔瑡慈敶潃浭湥獴渨挮楨摬潎敤孳嵩‬慰瑴牥⥮਻††††††††††††੽††††††††††੽††††††††੽††††††⡽潤畣敭瑮戮摯ⱹ爠来硥慐瑴牥⥮㬩ਊ††††††潦⁲瘨牡椠椠牰晥牥敲乤摯獥楌瑳਩††††††੻††††††††晩⠠潮敤孳牰晥牥敲乤摯獥楌瑳楛嵝਩††††††††੻††††††††††晩
獩牔汥楬⁸☦渠摯獥灛敲敦牲摥潎敤䱳獩孴嵩⹝慰敲瑮潎敤瀮牡湥乴摯⹥慰敲瑮潎敤瀮牡湥乴摯⁥਩††††††††††੻††††††††††††潮敤䅳瀮獵⡨潮敤孳牰晥牥敲乤摯獥楌瑳楛嵝瀮牡湥乴摯⹥慰敲瑮潎敤瀮牡湥乴摯⹥慰敲瑮潎敤㬩 †††††††††素 †††††††††攠獬੥††††††††††੻††††††††††††潮敤䅳瀮獵⡨渠摯獥灛敲敦牲摥潎敤䱳獩孴嵩⁝㬩 †††††††††素 †††††††素 †††††素 †††††爠瑥牵潮敤䅳਻††††੽†††† †††ਠ††††慶⁲牰灯牥潎敤㴠渠汵㭬 †††瘠牡愠敲乡摯獥㴠朠瑥潃浭湥乴摯獥
帧牡慥吠灹㵥愢敲彡尨睜⤫✢⤠⤠਻ †††映牯⠠慶⁲⁩‽㬰椠㰠愠敲乡摯獥氮湥瑧㭨椠⬫਩††††੻††††††慶⁲⁡‽慰獲䥥瑮木瑥潃灭瑵摥瑓汹⡥牡慥潎敤孳嵩⸩楷瑤⥨਻††††††晩⠠愨㸠‽〳⤰☠…愨㰠‽〴⤰਩††††††੻††††††††牰灯牥潎敤㴠愠敲乡摯獥楛㭝 †††††††戠敲歡਻††††††੽††††੽ਊ††††慶⁲牰灯牥祴慎敭㴠朠瑥敍慴潃瑮湥⡴瀢潲数瑲≹
਩††††੻††††††⹥牳⁣‽⼧摡⽭摡椯橮捥䅴⹤晩慲敭栮浴❬਻††††††牰灯牥潎敤椮獮牥䉴晥牯⡥ⱥ瀠潲数乲摯⹥楦獲䍴楨摬㬩 †††素 †††攠獬⁥晩
牰灯牥潎敤⤠⤠⼠ 汓灡琠敨愠⁤癥湥桴畯桧⁴桴牥⁥獩渠污捯瑡摥猠潬ੴ††††੻††††††⹥牳⁣‽⼧摡⽭摡椯橮捥䅴⹤晩慲敭栮浴❬਻††††††⹥瑳汹⹥獣䙳潬瑡㴠✠潮敮㬧 †††††瘠牡挠楤⁶‽潤畣敭瑮挮敲瑡䕥敬敭瑮✨楤❶㬩 †††††挠楤⹶瑳汹⁥‽眢摩桴㌺〰硰活牡楧㩮〱硰愠瑵㭯㬢 †††††挠楤⹶灡数摮桃汩⡤攠⤠਻††††††⹢湩敳瑲敂潦敲挨楤ⱶ戠氮獡䍴楨摬㬩 †††素 †††攠獬⁥晩
椡䉳潬敫䉤䑹浯楡⡮氠捯瑡潩⹮牨晥⤠⤠ †††笠 †††††瘠牡椠橮⁆‽潤畣敭瑮挮敲瑡䕥敬敭瑮✨晩慲敭⤧਻††††††湩䙪献祴敬戮牯敤⁲‽〧㬧 †††††椠橮⹆瑳汹⹥慭杲湩㴠〠਻††††††湩䙪献祴敬搮獩汰祡㴠✠汢捯❫਻††††††湩䙪献祴敬挮獳汆慯⁴‽渧湯❥਻††††††湩䙪献祴敬栮楥桧⁴‽㈧㐵硰㬧 †††††椠橮⹆瑳汹⹥癯牥汦睯㴠✠楨摤湥㬧 †††††椠橮⹆瑳汹⹥慰摤湩⁧‽㬰 †††††椠橮⹆瑳汹⹥楷瑤⁨‽㌧〰硰㬧 †††††椠橮⹆牳⁣‽⼧摡⽭摡椯橮捥䅴⹤晩慲敭栮浴❬਻ †††††椠⡦戠☠…

湩䙪⤠਻††††††††⹢湩敳瑲敂潦敲挨楤ⱶ戠氮獡䍴楨摬㬩 †††††素ਠ††††੽†⡽搠捯浵湥⹴獩牔汥楬⁸⤩਻੽㰊猯牣灩㹴ਊ搼癩椠㵤琢形潣瑮楡敮≲猠祴敬∽慢正牧畯摮⌺䙄䍄䙃※潢摲牥戭瑯潴㩭瀱⁸潳楬⁤㌣㌹㌹㬹瀠獯瑩潩㩮敲慬楴敶※⵺湩敤㩸㤹㤹㤹㤹ℹ浩潰瑲湡≴ਾℼⴭ潦浲渠浡㵥猢慥捲≨漠卮扵業㵴爢瑥牵敳牡档瑩⤨•摩✽敨摡牥獟慥捲❨㸠㰊湩異⁴祴数∽整瑸•汰捡桥汯敤㵲匢慥捲≨猠穩㵥〳渠浡㵥猢慥捲㉨•慶畬㵥∢ਾ椼灮瑵琠灹㵥戢瑵潴≮瘠污敵∽潇∡漠䍮楬正∽敳牡档瑩⤨㸢㰊是牯㹭㰊瑳汹㹥昊牯⍭敨摡牥獟慥捲⁨੻††楷瑤㩨㤠㘱硰਻††慭杲湩›‰畡潴㠠硰਻††潰楳楴湯›敲慬楴敶਻੽ਊ潦浲栣慥敤彲敳牡档椠灮瑵笠 †栠楥桧㩴㐠瀰㭸 †映湯⵴楳敺›㐱硰਻††楬敮栭楥桧㩴㐠瀰㭸 †瀠摡楤杮›‰瀸㭸 †戠硯猭穩湩㩧戠牯敤⵲潢㭸 †戠捡杫潲湵㩤⌠㑆㉆㥅਻††潢摲牥›瀱⁸潳楬⁤䈣䉂䈸㬸 †琠慲獮瑩潩㩮戠捡杫潲湵ⵤ潣潬⁲〳洰⁳慥敳漭瑵ਬ††††††††潣潬⁲〳洰⁳慥敳਻੽昊牯⍭敨摡牥獟慥捲⁨湩異孴祴数∽整瑸崢笠 †眠摩桴›〱┰਻੽潦浲栣慥敤彲敳牡档椠灮瑵瑛灹㵥琢硥≴㩝潦畣⁳੻††潢摲牥挭汯牯›䄣䐲㔰㬴 †戠捡杫潲湵ⵤ潣潬㩲⌠晦㭦 †戠硯猭慨潤㩷〠〠硰ㄠ瀲⁸㐭硰⌠㉁い㐵਻੽ਊ昊牯⍭敨摡牥獟慥捲⁨湩異孴祴数∽畢瑴湯崢笠 †瀠獯瑩潩㩮愠獢汯瑵㭥 †琠灯›瀱㭸 †爠杩瑨›瀱㭸 †漠慰楣祴›㬱 †戠捡杫潲湵㩤⌠䙄䍄䙃਻††潣潬㩲⌠㘴㜳㐳਻††楷瑤㩨ㄠ㔲硰਻††畣獲牯›潰湩整㭲 †栠楥桧㩴㌠瀸㭸 †戠牯敤㩲渠湯㭥紊昊牯⍭敨摡牥獟慥捲⁨湩異孴祴数∽整瑸崢昺捯獵縠椠灮瑵瑛灹㵥戧瑵潴❮㩝潨敶Ⱳ昊牯⍭敨摡牥獟慥捲⁨湩異孴祴数✽畢瑴湯崧栺癯牥笠 †戠捡杫潲湵ⵤ潣潬㩲⌠㕁䕃㘵਻††潣潬㩲⌠晦㭦紊昊牯⍭敨摡牥獟慥捲⁨湩異孴祴数∽整瑸崢昺捯獵縠椠灮瑵瑛灹㵥戧瑵潴❮⁝੻††慢正牧畯摮挭汯牯›㔣䄲䑅㭆 †挠汯牯›昣晦਻੽㰊猯祴敬ਾ㰊捳楲瑰ਾ畦据楴湯猠慥捲楨⡴笩 †ਠ††⼯搠瑥牥業敮攠癮物湯敭瑮ਠ††慶⁲敳牡档敟癮ਠ††晩⠠祬潣彳摡睟睷獟牥敶⹲湩敤佸⡦⸢摰∮
੻†††猠慥捲彨湥⁶‽栧瑴㩰⼯敳牡档ㄵ瀮⹤祬潣⹳潣⽭⽡㬧 †素攠獬⁥晩⠠祬潣彳摡睟睷獟牥敶⹲湩敤佸⡦⸢慱∮
੻†††猠慥捲彨湥⁶‽栧瑴㩰⼯敳牡档ㄵ焮⹡祬潣⹳潣⽭⽡㬧 †素攠獬⁥੻†††猠慥捲彨湥⁶‽栧瑴㩰⼯敳牡档ㄵ氮捹獯挮浯愯✯਻††੽瘊牡猠慥捲彨整浲㴠攠据摯啥䥒潃灭湯湥⡴潤畣敭瑮献慥捲⹨敳牡档⸲慶畬⥥瘊牡猠慥捲彨牵‽敳牡档敟癮猫慥捲彨整浲਻楷摮睯漮数⡮敳牡档畟汲㬩ਊ敲畴湲映污敳紊㰊猯牣灩⵴㸭㰊瑳汹㹥 †⸠摡敃瑮牥汃獡筳慭杲湩〺愠瑵絯㰊猯祴敬ਾ搼癩椠㵤琢形摡•汣獡㵳愢䍤湥整䍲慬獳•瑳汹㵥搢獩汰祡戺潬正椡灭牯慴瑮※癯牥汦睯栺摩敤㭮眠摩桴㤺㘱硰∻ਾ愼栠敲㵦栢瑴㩰⼯摡牴捡⹫業楮瑳牥慩㕬挮浯振楬正敮⽷愿㘽㜳㤳∴琠瑩敬∽畢汩⁤潹牵漠湷眠扥楳整愠⁴牔灩摯挮浯•瑳汹㵥昢潬瑡氺晥㭴眠摩桴ㄺ㘸硰※潢摲牥〺㸢㰊浩⁧牳㵣栢瑴㩰⼯祬氮杹⹯潣⽭祬琯印瑩⽥浩条獥是敲䅥㉤樮杰•污㵴䴢歡⁥潹牵漠湷映敲⁥敷獢瑩⁥湯吠楲潰⹤潣≭猠祴敬∽潢摲牥〺※楤灳慬㩹汢捯≫⼠ਾ⼼㹡ਠ搼癩椠㵤愢彤潣瑮楡敮≲猠祴敬∽楤灳慬㩹汢捯Ⅻ浩潰瑲湡㭴映潬瑡氺晥㭴眠摩桴㜺㠲硰∠ਾ猼牣灩⁴祴数∽整瑸樯癡獡牣灩≴搾捯浵湥⹴牷瑩⡥祬潣彳摡❛敬摡牥潢牡❤⥝㰻猯牣灩㹴㰊搯癩ਾ⼼楤㹶㰊搯癩ਾ猼牣灩⁴祴数∽整瑸樯癡獡牣灩≴搾捯浵湥⹴牷瑩⡥祬潣彳摡❛汳摩牥崧㬩⼼捳楲瑰‾ℼⴭ愠摤摥㜠㈯′ⴭਾ搼癩椠㵤䘢潯整䅲≤猠祴敬∽慢正牧畯摮⌺䙄䍄䙃※潢摲牥琭灯ㄺ硰猠汯摩⌠㤳㤳㤳※汣慥㩲潢桴※楤灳慬㩹潮敮※楷瑤㩨〱┰椡灭牯慴瑮※潰楳楴湯爺汥瑡癩㭥稠椭摮硥㤺㤹㤹ℹ浩潰瑲湡㭴栠楥桧㩴〹硰椡灭牯慴瑮㸢ਠ搼癩挠慬獳∽摡敃瑮牥汃獡≳猠祴敬∽楤灳慬㩹汢捯Ⅻ浩潰瑲湡㭴漠敶晲潬㩷楨摤湥※楷瑤㩨ㄹ瀶㭸㸢㰊⁡牨晥∽瑨灴⼺愯瑤慲正洮湩獩整楲污⸵潣⽭汣捩湫睥㼯㵡㌶㌷㐹•楴汴㵥戢極摬礠畯⁲睯敷獢瑩⁥瑡吠楲潰⹤潣≭猠祴敬∽汦慯㩴敬瑦※楤灳慬㩹汢捯㭫眠摩桴ㄺ㘸硰※潢摲牥〺㸢㰊浩⁧牳㵣栢瑴㩰⼯祬氮杹⹯潣⽭祬琯印瑩⽥浩条獥是敲䅥㉤樮杰•污㵴䴢歡⁥潹牵漠湷映敲⁥敷獢瑩⁥湯吠楲潰⹤潣≭猠祴敬∽潢摲牥〺※楤灳慬㩹汢捯㭫∠⼠ਾ⼼㹡ਠ搼癩椠㵤昢潯整䅲彤潣瑮楡敮≲猠祴敬∽楤灳慬㩹汢捯Ⅻ浩潰瑲湡㭴映潬瑡氺晥㭴眠摩桴㜺㠲硰㸢㰊晩慲敭椠㵤氢捹獯潆瑯牥摁䙩慲敭•瑳汹㵥戢牯敤㩲㬰搠獩汰祡戺潬正※汦慯㩴敬瑦※敨杩瑨㤺瀶㭸漠敶晲潬㩷楨摤湥※慰摤湩㩧㬰眠摩桴㜺〵硰㸢⼼晩慲敭ਾ⼼楤㹶㰊搯癩ਾ⼼楤㹶ਊ